Sunday, September 14, 2014

AUD Welcomes New Faculty Members For The Fall 2014 Semester

News Source: http://aud.edu/index.asp


(August 2014)


AUD welcomed new fulltime and part-time faculty members with a complete day of presentations and activities designed to introduce the newcomers to the university’s leadership, culture, programs, services, procedures, and policies as well as to familiarize them with life at AUD and in Dubai. “We are pleased to welcome such a talented and diverse group of individuals on board. All of us here at AUD really look forward to an academic year characterized by collaboration among all faculty and staff in fulfilling AUD’s mission,” said Mrs. Angele El Khoury, Director of Human Resources.

Dr. Lance de Masi, President of AUD, spoke to the new faculty members about AUD; its mission, objectives and their role in achieving them, as well as offered the ‘ten ‘presidential’ suggestions for their success at the university. He added, “To get to the essence of AUD, one must take seriously the most important claim we make in addressing our students: ‘Your success is our success’”. Moreover, Dr. Jihad Nader, Provost/Chief Academic Officer introduced the new faculty to the programs and key academic policies at AUD.

The day also included presentations from different AUD Administrative Offices including Admissions, Registrar, Finance, Institutional Effectiveness, Student Services, IT Services, External Relations, Marketing Communications, and Library Services – introducing AUD’s organizational structure to the new faculty members and familiarizing them with the university’s various functions. In addition, the Human Resources Office scheduled various breaks during the day allowing for socializing opportunities by the new faculty members where they mingled and networked with their colleagues and the AUD community.

This year’s new faculty recruits boast diversity, with members coming from more than a dozen different backgrounds and nationalities. Professors joining this year come from all corners of the world including the United States, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, England, and Japan.

The new faculty members include Dr. Layan El Hajj, Assistant Professor of Mathematics; Dr. Micah Robbins, Assistant Professor of English; Dr. Nadia Radwan, Assistant Professor of Art History; Dr. Marguerite Connor, Assistant Professor of English; Dr. Jonathan York, Assistant Professor of History; 
Dr. Pamela Chrabieh, Assistant Professor of Middle Eastern Studies; Prof. Loulou Malaeb, Assistant Professor of Humanities; Dr. Magdy El-Shamma, Assistant Professor of Middle Eastern Studies; Dr. Karen Mc Kinney, Assistant Professor of English; Dr. Omar Sabbagh, Assistant Professor of English; Dr. Tabitha Kenlon, Assistant Professor of English; Dr. Ann Marie Simmonds, Assistant Professor of English; Prof. Giscard El Khoury, Instructor in English; Prof. Takeshi Maruyama, Assistant Professor of Architecture; Prof. Michael Rice, Associate Professor of Studio Art; Prof. Flounder Lee, Assistant Professor of Studio Art; Dr. Annarita Cornaro, Assistant Professor of Architecture; Dr. Subramaniam Ponnaiyan , Assistant Professor of Decision Sciences; Dr. Odekhiren Amaize , Professor of Marketing Communications; Dr. Akram Al Matarneh, Assistant Professor of Business Administration; Dr. Nasreddine Saadouli, Associate Professor of Management; Prof. Nathaniel Light, Assistant Professor of Finance; Prof. Sumaya Kubeisy, Assistant Professor of Digital Production and Storytelling; Prof. Yasmine Bahrani, Assistant Professor of Communication and Information Studies - (Journalism); Dr. Vinod Pangracious, Assistant Professor of Electrical Engineering; Dr. Mona Nabhani, Visiting Associate Professor of Education.
The mission of the Office of Human Resources at AUD is to foster a positive work environment and to act as a resource for the university’s staff and faculty. The office acts to support AUD staff and faculty in their service to the university through a commitment to attract, orient, retain, motivate, and develop members of the university’s population to their fullest potential. The HR team provides services to impact and promote equity and impartial human relations.


Saturday, September 13, 2014

Red Lips High Heels: Un espace en ligne dédié aux droits de la femme

By Florence KANAAN 
(WE Initiative - PAMELA CHRABIEH, SUCCESS STORY OF A WOMAN)

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh


Qui dit Red Lips High Heels, dit droits de la femme et dit Pamela Chrabieh. Mais qui est cette femme au regard assuré, vif et tendre, qui lutte et débâtât pour défendre et protéger le droit de l’être humain et de la femme et spécialement au Liban? 
1- Qui est Pamela Chrabieh?
Libanaise et canadienne, épouse et mère, docteure en sciences des religions, professeur d’université, chercheuse, auteure, activiste et artiste, croyant fermement  au génie des êtres humains au-delà des empêchements, doutes et difficultés, au-delà de la culture de la violence
2-  Qu’est-ce que Red Lips High Heels?
Red Lips High Heels est une plateforme en ligne (blog et page Facebook) pour des auteurs-es et activistes luttant pour la paix et les droits humains/droits des femmes, en particulier au Liban, ainsi qu’au Moyen-Orient ou l’Asie du Sud-Ouest. Depuis que je l’ai créée en 2012, elle compte plus de 80 personnes engagées de manière régulière ou sporadique, de diverses appartenances ethniques, nationales, religieuses, confessionnelles, socio-économiques, générationnelles etc., écrivant en Arabe, Français, Anglais et parfois aussi, en Espagnol. La pluralité des approches féministes y est au rendez-vous, ainsi que la pluridisciplinarité académique, la poésie et l’écriture grand public (creative writing). La liberté d’expression, le respect mutuel et le dialogue constituent les règles d’or de la plateforme, et ses objectifs peuvent être résumés en ce qui suit : la contribution à la production d’un savoir contextuel,  pluriel et engagé, et à sa dissémination auprès d’un large public, au-delà des tours d’ivoire académiques ; la conscientisation (awareness) face au clash des ignorances et la contribution au changement des mentalités – beaucoup plus importante, à mon avis, qu’un changement de lois ; la déconstruction de stéréotypes, tabous et idéologies ‘normalisés’ au sein de nos sociétés et la reconstruction progressive de voix alternatives.
3- Pourquoi avoir choisi le nom “Red Lips High Heels” pour le blog?
Red Lips et High Heels ne devraient pas être compris d’une manière littérale mais symbolique : les lèvres rouges (longtemps perçues dans notre région comme appartenant au monde de l’interdit, du tabou) communicatrices de l’acceptation personnelle, de la transformation, du dynamisme et du courage. Des lèvres qui vibrent du passage du silence à la parole créatrice, de la mémoire meurtrie à la mémoire constructrice, de la survie à la vie. Porter des talons hauts (High Heels) d’une manière métaphorique et en maîtriser l’art/la technique réfère à l’autonomie et la capacitation, au-delà des obstacles dont le système patriarcal et la culture de la violence. Il s’agit aussi de rechercher l’équilibre entre l’interne et l’externe – les relations entre les appartenances qui constituent une partie du ‘moi’ et celles qui adviennent avec les ‘autres’ -, une meilleure gestion de la diversité des identités, basée sur le respect, le dialogue et ayant pour objectif la convivialité ou le vivre ensemble.
3- Comment réagit le public libanais, surtout la femme libanaise vis-à-vis de ce blog?
Suite au lancement de la plateforme, les réactions furent partagées, surtout de la part des organisations féministes établies dans le pays – hormis Women in Front par exemple qui milite pour les droits politiques des femmes libanaises  et qui m’invita à maintes reprises à participer à ses réunions et à présenter des conférences -, ainsi que du public anti-féministe lequel est constitué de femmes et d’hommes. Le passage du pensable (la ‘norme’ sociétale) à l’impensable/l’impensé (ce qui fut ou est marginalisé) crée nécessairement des remous. Toutefois, les réactions positives furent nombreuses : de la part d’un public averti (femmes et hommes), mais aussi qui ne l’était pas et découvrait pour la première fois ce genre de discours, visions et pratiques (femmes au foyer, femmes de carrière, des libanaises vivant au Liban et en diaspora, étudiantes au secondaire et à l’université, et des femmes de diverses nationalités interpellées par les causes des droits humains/droits des femmes et de la paix au niveau mondial); de la part de certains médias traditionnels (chaînes télévisées locales, européennes et nord-américaines, presse écrite et électronique)…
4- Quel a été l’impact de ce blog en réalité sur le terrain libanais?
Le blog compte actuellement des centaines de lecteurs-lectrices réguliers-ères et des milliers de lecteurs-lectrices irréguliers. La page Facebook compte plus de 17000 personnes (un nombre qui fut atteint progressivement, donc qui diffère d’une campagne ponctuelle ou d’un effet mode), avec une majorité de femmes libanaises (public cible en premier lieu, mais pas le seul) de toutes générations, confessions, statuts sociaux et tendances politiques. Certaines d’entre elles lisent, d’autres commentent et –ou partagent leurs histoires, et je reçois souvent des demandes d’aide – femmes battues, tentatives de suicide, etc. – que je redirige vers des organisations spécialisées dans l’assistance immédiate comme Kafa pour les cas de violence domestique. Des étudiantes d’université furent inspirées par la plateforme et le mouvement qui fut créé par la suite : certaines ont présenté des exposés dans leurs écoles et universités ; d’autres ont publié des articles et livres, ou ont produit des documentaires. Je reçois souvent des messages d’encouragement et de remerciements de la part de femmes vivant dans des conditions difficiles. L’impact est réel, au-delà du virtuel. 
5- Comment évaluez-vous le statut de la femme libanaise ?
A première vue, l’on peut affirmer qu’une partie des libanaises jouissent d’une marge de liberté introuvable dans certains pays avoisinants, et l’on peut se réjouir de certains acquis et avancées : la Constitution libanaise engage le Liban à appliquer la Déclaration Universelle des Droits de l’Homme et les traités relatifs aux droits humains. Cette constitution proclame entre autres, l’égalité politique des libanais : égalité de l’admissibilité aux fonctions politiques, au droit de vote et d’éligibilité. Le Liban a ratifié la Convention sur l’élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l’égard des femmes en 1997 (avec réserves). Quelques progrès furent réalisés dans le domaine de l’éducation des femmes, en particulier l’éducation supérieure. Selon le Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement, les femmes représentent la moitié de la population universitaire libanaise.  Le crime d’honneur qui était légitimé au Liban jusqu’en 1999, est considéré comme crime pénal depuis 2011 (l’article 562 du Code pénal fut aboli : il permettait à l’auteur d’un crime dit d’honneur de bénéficier d’une circonstance atténuante et d’une peine réduite lorsque le crime avait été perpétré à l’encontre d’une personne prise en flagrant délit d’adultère ou de rapports sexuels illégitimes). La société civile inclue des individus, des groupes et des associations militant pour les droits des femmes depuis des décennies, et dont les initiatives ne peuvent qu’être louées.
Toutefois, selon le rapport mondial sur l’écart entre les genres publié en 2013 par le Forum économique mondial (WEF) à Genève, le Liban occupe la 123e place sur 136 pays, en chute d’une place par rapport à 2012 et de cinq places par rapport à 2011. Au niveau de l’égalité économique (participation et opportunités économiques), le Liban occupe la 126e place, la 87e place en matière d’éducation (avec un écart complètement comblé en ce qui concerne les inscriptions pour des études secondaires et supérieures) et la 133e place au niveau de la participation à la vie politique. En effet, 3% des Parlementaires sont des femmes. Les dispositions légales discriminatoires à l’égard des femmes persistent dans la loi sur le statut personnel, dans le Code pénal ainsi que dans d’autres lois. Le taux d’activité des Libanaises ne culminait qu’à 22 % en 2011 (rapport de la Banque mondiale). Ce n’est pourtant pas par manque de diplômes mais davantage pour des raisons culturelles et logistiques que les femmes ne travaillent pas. S’occuper des tâches ménagères et des enfants reste majoritairement dévolu aux femmes. Elles sont nombreuses à arrêter de travailler quand elles fondent une famille. En effet, 68 % des Libanaises qui travaillent sont célibataires. Le bas taux de femmes actives dans le milieu du travail s’explique aussi en partie par le manque d’aide et de structures pour la garde des enfants, ainsi que par des salaires trop bas.
6- Quel rôle doit-elle principalement jouer?
Il n’existe pas un rôle spécifique pour la femme libanaise. Ses rôles peuvent être multiples, tout comme ceux des hommes d’ailleurs ; des rôles pareils, différents et complémentaires dans les secteurs privé et public, au niveau micro (la famille) et macro (la société). Il est vrai que divers obstacles limitent les choix. Pour que ceux-ci soient permis et accessibles, il est urgent d’agir à partir de la base et d’élargir les lieux de lutte déjà en place. Une révolution des mentalités devrait advenir, accompagnant le changement de lois, même si celle-ci prendrait des décennies. Pour que, justement, les femmes (la plupart) cessent d’être spectatrices, figurantes, mineures qui ne peuvent décider, exclues de la vie publique, de la politique, de l’histoire, et cessent d’être réduites à leur seule nature et condition de mère/épouse soumise ou de bel objet à admirer et baiser. Avec Red Lips High Heels, il s’agit d’affirmer par exemple que les femmes ne doivent et ne peuvent être tenues à l’écart de l’étude et de la réflexion, ni de la dissémination du savoir, de la liberté de créer et d’imposer leurs talents de créatrices.

Monday, July 14, 2014

Why we must teach/learn Peace

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh
(Lebanon, 2014)
The first step toward change is awareness. The second step is acceptance.
(Nathaniel Branden)

Following the analysis of several documents tackling the issue of war in the Middle East, a student of mine asked this morning: “How can there be Peace in this bloody chaotic no man’s land?”
 This particular question settled in my mind many years ago. I answered it but also acted on the answer in the academic sphere: I started to develop a Peace Education approach that I called “Inter-Human Pedagogy” at the University of Montreal (2004-2006), then deepened and applied in my classrooms at St Josef University of Beirut, Notre Dame University and Holy Spirit University-USEK, targeting at least 3000 students over the course of several semesters since 2007.[1]
 I can share here the following outcome: contrary to what some might say – those who are convinced that violence is the way to stop violence -, Peace can be if taught and learned. 
1-      On Peace Education in Lebanon:
Peace education brings together multiple traditions of pedagogy, theories of education, and international initiatives for the advancement of human development through learning. It is fundamentally dynamic, interdisciplinary, and multicultural and grows out of the work of educators such as John Dewey, Maria Montessori, Paulo Freire, Johan Galtung, Elise and Kenneth Boulding, and many others.
Peace Education in Lebanon is mainly promoted by non-governmental organizations, mostly interreligious groups – such as Adyan, Arab Group for Muslim-Christian Dialogue, Forum for Development, Dialogue and Culture (FDCD), Initiative of Change, Umam, IPRA, Mouvement social, Offre-Joie, etc.-, as well as artists, intellectuals and online activists. Many initiatives by civil society have contributed to promoting tolerance and Peace since the late 1990s, especially in the last nine years. Grassroots student dialogue clubs have flourished in a number of secondary schools. They conduct off-campus programs and learning projects, weekend workshops, artistic events, summer camps, and participation in virtual social platforms. All share common goals: increasing tolerance, deconstructing stereotypes, reducing prejudices, changing visions of self and other, building interreligious/inter-sectarian bridges, reinforcing a sense of collective identity, contributing to conflict resolution…  International organizations are also involved in the Peacebuilding process. In particular, since the end of the 1990s, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the United Nations Country Team (UNCT) in Lebanon and the Arab Region Office of the Global Youth Network Association (GYAN) based in Beirut, have actively promoted measures for positive youth action.
A survey of the national curricula shows that throughout the 20th century, authorities have viewed education as a potentially unifying force.[i] The official curricula launched after 1943 consistently articulate a desire to bring together the various confessional factions for a cohesive nation through civic education, but apparently with little success. According to Frayha[ii], the social studies curricula and textbooks have lacked an important theme in educating students about their society, that is about pluralism. In Rethinking Education for Social Cohesion (edited by Maha Shuayb),[iii] the authors of several chapters state that Lebanon placed considerable emphasis on developing a school education system geared towards promoting social cohesion and that the Taif Agreement (1989) proposed education as a major means for promoting social cohesion. Consequently, the main objective of the curriculum was to promote citizenship education and social cohesion. The agreement called for schooling that will socialize children into national unity within the framework of Lebanon’s Arab identity. The subsequent Plan for Educational Reform emphasized national integration through instruction of mandatory standardized history and civics in all schools. However, the sectarian communities opposed the plan. Consequently, a New Framework for Education in Lebanon was conceived with two broad aims: the development of individuals able to deal with others in a spirit of responsible, cooperative citizens who can build a cohesive Lebanese society, and who are willing to put the common good ahead of personal interests. The new curriculum was issued in 1997, but the new national history curriculum and textbook have not yet been approved, mainly because of the controversy surrounding the recent history. In Shuayb’s analyses, this curriculum was developed from an authoritarian approach neglecting humanitarian ideologies in citizenship education as it overemphasizes the role of the citizen rather than the development of the personality.
Schools now determine what history they teach and the concepts are often contradictory. My students often expressed their frustration knowing that what they were taught was unilateral and/or not accurate. There is fear among many historians and educators that because no consensus about a common version of the recent history has been reached and taught in schools, the new generations are doomed to repeat the past, with most of them learning history from their parents, sectarian political parties and media.
Educating to Peace in the university context is considered to be a rare phenomenon. Little attention has been paid so far to the integration of Peace programs in universities. They are considered to be low priorities, along with the rest of social studies and the Humanities. Many avoid giving too much attention and resources to Peace studies, Social Sciences and Humanities for fear that some of the programs may become politicized. More emphasis is placed on subjects seen to be tangible and having practical value for competition in the local, regional, and global marketplaces. The crowded curriculum leaves little room for new concepts to be addressed. There is a need for experts and trained teachers/professors to develop contextual Peace education knowledge and to adapt it in classrooms – both in schools and universities.
Some exceptions are noted however: St Josef University offers a Master’s degree in Muslim-Christian Relations. Other universities such as Balamand founded Centers for Dialogue. Al-Makassed – a single faith-based organization which owns a university with an Institute of Islamic Studies – offers courses in Christianity taught by Christian believers. It also organizes punctual gatherings between Christian and Muslim villages. Imam Sadr Foundation works on reconciliation through academic institutions (conferences, workshops) and through development projects to improve the living conditions of the underprivileged.
Nevertheless, Peace Education in universities faces many challenges: 1) there are prevailing misconceptions about the aims and nature of Peace education – noting here that in my ‘Theology of Dialogue’ classrooms, many students perceived dialogue and Peace to be ‘idealistic’ concepts and attitudes, and that Christians should focus on surviving and defending their faith and existence using other means, including ‘just violence’ 2) there is a diversity of definitions of Peace education in the country, and a diversity of implemented approaches – some focus on interfaith dialogue, others on the religions-politics separation; some promote intellectual elitist circles of dialogue, others general public gatherings, spiritual encounters, and dialogue of life…
2-      My approach:
 I define Peace as a complex process of multiple dynamics involving Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, Peacebuilding and certainly, creating Peace in our own hearts, often the last place many people ever find it. Studying Peace/ learning Peace and doing Peace therefore is as much about getting the bombs out of our minds as it is about getting them out of the jihadi groups and authoritarian regimes. It is about replacing these bombs with the messages of Jesus, Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Ibn Arabi, Gibran Khalil Gibran, Mother Theresa, and of many other pacifists with a nonviolence philosophy to live by, even if risky. It is about deconstructing stereotypes, wounded memories and healing traumas. It is about building a ‘living together’, beyond mere coexistence – a living together that certainly starts in schools and universities. Peter Kropotkin, the Russian pacifist, advised the young: “Think about the kind of world you want to live and work in. What do you need to build that world? Demand that your teachers teach you that!”
 Peace is taught in my classrooms not as a philosophy of tree hugging, nor as Jainism portrays nonviolence – the abrupt and strictest possible ascetic life -, but as a way of thinking informed with knowledge of love – the love of humanity – and a way of doing that is not shy about activating confrontation when necessary (active resistance). A positive realistic approach to Peace, targeting both psychological and physical forms of war/violence and developing creative alternatives to passive or aggressive responses at different levels: within any individual, between individuals, within families, communities, neighbourhoods, cities, provinces, nations… 
Peace practitioners and teachers cannot be expected to tackle all of these levels simultaneously and at all times, but certainly students are taught to be aware of the fact that Peace at one level cannot be sustained without Peace at another – for example, within the Civil Society and between heads of political parties – and that a ‘bottom-up’ adapted approach is much needed in a context such as the Lebanese one, where more concrete and effective results are to be gained. In that sense, students learn to discover the types of Peace actors – especially the local actors or ‘insiders’, even if actions undertaken by regional and international actors are often necessary – and the levels at which they should/could intervene – grassroots leadership. They also learn to discover a variety of sources of conflicts such as insecurity, poverty and social/economic inequalities, intra and inter-sectarian clashes, sectarianism, corruption, the continuity of wartime elite and the culture of impunity that protects them, opposing foreign policy orientations, foreign intervention and proxy battle-ground, etc. Nevertheless, the priority in classroom activities remains the psycho-social dimension of the conflicts, since it is an ideal dimension to assess the relevance of bottom-up approaches.[2] 
3-      Advantages:
Below is a summary of the results of a survey I conducted with 500 students assessing my approach: 
70% learned to function in a dialogical environment, where a spirit of understanding and togetherness, and a better mutual listening, allowed them to gain self-confidence and new skills to interact with different people. 
According to 25% of students, changes occurred mainly in attitudes, values and patterns of behaviour, which not only take time to transform but are also elusive and difficult to measure – needless to say that the courses do not result in a change in every student. I often encounter students who continue to believe that their worldview is the ‘right one’ and refuse the possibility of dialogue!
The 25% of students who experienced real change kept in touch with me via online platforms, and became activists for Peace and human rights – either individually or in groups. Often, these students send me messages where they relate what they have learned in my classrooms with their current social engagement. One of them called my approach ‘a pedagogy of engagement’: ‘We did not only learn about war and Peace, but we did Peace. We engaged in acts of civic responsibility in the classrooms and following the courses’. The enthusiasm shown by these students contradicts what has frequently been said about the general disenchantment of young people in Lebanon with politics and social activism. Certainly, there are those who apply the ostrich attitude, and those who follow sectarian-political agendas while hating each other, but there are also those who are looking for the adventure of Peace. 
4-      Limits and Future Perspectives:
Peace Education is being applied on a small scale. It needs to expand in all universities, as well as in schools. There are many conditions to pursue this expansion, such as support from private institutions and public authorities, sustained interaction between students and their teachers, interdependence in carrying out common tasks, etc. In the context of both formal and non-formal education, funding for projects and their sustainability are two major challenges. Only the elite schools and universities can offer sufficiently long training and the very important follow-up. Peace education ought to be considered a public good and as such should be offered as a free service to all.
Inequalities and discrimination constitute a major challenge. They do not disappear when the classroom doors close or when they open again. Students may continue pursuing opposing agendas, especially when they have unsupportive home environments. Even when they are equipped with a new way of perceiving themselves and the ‘others’, they enter into a collision course with their social surroundings holding ‘unquestionable truths’: home, neighborhood, sectarian communities, political parties and the media.
Furthermore, in a context of continuous war – physical and psychological -, and in a general atmosphere of hostility, especially when contradictory and mutually exclusive narratives exist, mirroring each other and delegitimizing each other’s goals, history, humanity and sufferings,  Peace education approaches are hard to disseminate. The chances for success may be very slim where the traditional media, politicians, and even the national educational system convey a mood of suspicion and animosity toward the ‘other’. For Peace education to be highly effective, the objectives and content must be agreed upon on a national level. It cannot remain a socially isolated affair. A culture of Peace is needed on large scale.
Furthermore, because of the bloated, inefficient, and corrupt public education system in Lebanon, there are presently not enough teachers and professors that are equipped to use Peace education approaches in the classroom. Their generation also suffers from the effects of the war, and thus many might hold negative views of others, and have distorted views of the war. Furthermore, professors must ensure that the classroom is a safe space where students can express themselves freely without fear of reprisal, but also where students respect others. When students share their narratives with others, there is a risk other students who feel targeted might be offended, and this would create a hostile environment. The educator must be skilled enough to prevent this and other explosive situations from happening. Hence, training programs and recruitment must take place, and it is unlikely there would be enough political will and public funds to make it happen in the near future.

[1] The results of a qualitative/quantitative study I conducted in order to assess my approach were presented at Oxford (2010) and Balamand (2014) universities.
[2] For more information about my ‘Inter-Human Pedagogy’, please refer to the published proceedings of Balamand’s Conference (March 2014).

[i] Irma-Kaarina Ghosn . The quest for national unity: rhetoric and reality of School Curricula in Lebanon. In IKirylo, J. & Nauman, A. (Eds.). Curriculum Development: Perspectives from around the World. 2010. Chicago: Association for Childhood Education International.
[ii] Frayha, N. Religious Conflict and the Role of Social Studies for Citizenship Education in the Lebanese Schools between 1920 and 1983. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. 1985. California: Stanford University, pp. 349-350.
[iii] Maha Shuayb (ed.). Rethinking Education for Social Cohesion. International Case Studies. 2012. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.

Thursday, July 10, 2014


Avis aux intéressés-ées: publication de mon article sur le dialogue islamo-chrétien au Liban selon les approches de Georges Khodr et de Mahmoud Ayoub, dans la Revue académique "Théologiques" de la Faculté de Théologie et de Sciences des Religions de l'Université de Montréal.

http://www.erudit.org/revue/theologi/2011/v19/n2/index.html



Résumé

Dans un contexte d’« hiver arabe », caractérisé par la guerre, la répression des libertés, les crises socio-économiques et la montée des extrémismes, il devient plus que crucial de mettre en avant les discours et les pratiques de dialogue, de convivialité et de construction de la paix au Liban, notamment théologiques. En ce sens, je présente dans cet article un aperçu des approches du métropolite grec-orthodoxe Georges Khodr et de l’érudit chiite Mahmoud Ayoub, lesquels font partie d’un courant que j’ai nommé « le courant de la culture du dialogue ». Khodr et Ayoub développent justement des théologies qui appellent, d’une part, à une certaine forme de séparation entre la politique et la religion, mais aussi, d’autre part, à l’implantation d’une « société pluraliste religieuse », formée de croyants en Dieu. Après avoir rappelé à grands traits le contexte libanais, je présente à deux reprises la pensée des auteurs : d’abord de manière globale, puis de manière plus analytique — par le biais conceptuel d’une théologie mystique et apophatique, mais aussi contextuelle et libérationniste (chez Khodr), et par le biais de l’al-iğtihād (chez Ayoub). Cela me permet, en conclusion, de montrer le front commun de leur combat, puis de cerner leurs apports et leurs limites respectives.

Abstract

In an “Arab winter” context, characterized by war, repression of freedoms, socio-economic crisis and the rise of extremism, it becomes crucial to highlight the discourses and practices of dialogue, conviviality and peace-building in Lebanon, including the theological. In that perspective, I present in this article an overview of Greek Orthodox Metropolitan Georges Khodr and Shiite scholar Mahmoud Ayoub approaches, which are part of “the culture of dialogue movement”. Khodr and Ayoub develop theologies calling for some form of separation between politics and religion, and for the establishment of a “religious pluralist society” formed of believers in God. Following a historical-sociological introduction to the Lebanese context, these approaches are displayed: first globally, then analytically — through the mystical and apophatic theology, but also contextual and liberationist with Khodr, and al-iğtihād with Ayoub. In conclusion, I identify their common struggle, their contributions and the limits of their approaches.


L'ARTICLE EN VERSION PDF : http://www.erudit.org/revue/theologi/2011/v19/n2/1024730ar.pdf